Showing posts with label Elmina. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Elmina. Show all posts

Thursday, 8 October 2020

Jacob de Petersen (1703-1780): Slave trader, West India Company official, and member of the Amsterdam city government

This blog reproduces a short biographical sketch of Jacob de Petersen (1703-1780), one of the most powerful men in the Dutch West India Company in the later 18th century. He was involved in the Atlantic slave trade for fifty-five years, both institutionally and privately. At the same time he was closely connected to the Court of the Prince of Orange Nassau at the Hague, and the top echelons of the Amsterdam city government, in which he took an active part himself.

This is the author's version of a paper published in a book on slavery and the slave trade, commissioned by the city government of Amsterdam. The article is in Dutch (as is the book). I am currently working on a publication on the subject in English.

Reference:

Michel Doortmont, 'Jacob de Petersen, slavenhandelaar op West-Afrika en Amsterdams bestuurder,' in: Pepijn Brandon, Guno Jones, Nancy Jouwe, Matthias van Rossum (red.), De slavernij in Oost en West: Het Amsterdam onderzoek (Amsterdam, Unieboek Het Spectrum, 2020), p. 104-111.

[p. 104]

Jacob de Petersen, slavenhandelaar op West-Afrika en Amsterdams bestuurder

Michel Doortmont

Als een van de constituerende Kamers van de WIC speelde Amsterdam een sleutelrol in de activiteiten van die handelscompagnie, inclusief de slavenhandel vanuit West-Afrika naar Amerika. Om de rol van Amsterdam beter te begrijpen kan het voorbeeld gebruikt worden van Jacob Baron de Petersen (1703-1780), die tussen 1725 en 1780 carrière maakte als WIC-ambtenaar, slavenhandelaar en stadsbestuurder. Een carrière die mogelijk gemaakt werd door leden van het Amsterdamse regentenpatriciaat en die datzelfde patriciaat ook ten dienste stond in de slavenhandel.

Hoewel geen Amsterdammer van geboorte, was De Petersen nauw gelieerd aan het Amsterdamse regentenpatriciaat. Zakelijke en familierelaties gingen terug tot in de zeventiende eeuw. Jacobs grootmoeder was  Catharina Bicker (1642-1678), kleindochter van zowel een Amsterdamse burgemeester als een lid van de Vroedschap. De Bicker-clan had belangen in het Amsterdamse stadsbestuur, maar ook in handel en industrie op wereldschaal, inclusief Scandinavië (mijnbouw, metaalindustrie), Azië (bestuur en handel van de VOC), en West-Indië (slavenhandel, plantages, suiker- en koffiehandel). (1) Na de dood van hun moeder in 1712 en de opsluiting van hun vader vanwege psychische problemen werden Jacob en zijn broer en zusters opgevangen door de familie Bicker. Hij ging rechten studeren in Utrecht en promoveerde hier in 1725. Direct daarna volgde een benoeming tot juridisch en bestuurlijk ambtenaar bij de WIC op het eiland Curaçao. Daar zou hij tot 1739 blijven.

[p. 105]

Slavenhandelaar op Curaçao

Op Curaçao dreef De Petersen samen met de gouverneur, Juan Pedro van Collen, handel in slaven uit West-Afrika en verwierf hij een eigen plantage, Groot Sint Joris. Die handel in slaven was illegaal, want werknemers van de WIC mochten officieel niet voor eigen rekening handelen. Nu deden wel meer WIC-ambtenaren dit, maar de bedrijfsmatige wijze waarop Van Collen en De Petersen te werk gingen lijkt uitzonderlijk. (2)

Van Collen was lid van een Amsterdamse regentenfamilie die al vanaf het begin van de achttiende eeuw banden had met de WIC en de slavenhandel op Curaçao. De alliantie met Van Collen maakte van De Petersen al op jonge leeftijd een machtig en invloedrijk man. Hoe machtig bleek pas goed toen Van Collen in 1738 overleed. De Petersen had gehoopt hem als gouverneur op te kunnen volgen. Dat gebeurde echter niet, vanwege politieke perikelen in Nederland en op Curaçao. De door de Heren Tien, het hoofdbestuur van de WIC, benoemde Jan Gales keerde zich direct na aankomst op Curaçao tegen de Van Collen-gezinde Raad en andere koop-lieden, onder wie De Petersen. De situatie liep volledig uit de hand en De Petersen vluchtte uiteindelijk in 1739 naar Nederland. Die actie stond gelijk aan desertie en zou het einde van zijn WIC-carrière betekend moeten hebben.

prent door H.P. Schouten; ca. 1760-1783; Stadsarchief Amsterdam
De binnenplaats van het West-Indisch Huis, vanwaaruit schepen voor de slavenhandel
 uitgereed werden en de winsten uit de slavenhandel verdeeld. Hier zwaaide
Jacob de Petersen vele jaren de scepter.

[p. 106]

Een bestuurlijke doorstart

Na terugkeer in Nederland werd De Petersen verhoord door de bewindhebbers van de Kamer Amsterdam. Hij bepleitte zijn zaak met succes en hij werd in zijn functie hersteld. Gouverneur Jan Gales werd ontslagen. Eén van de gronden voor het ontslag was dat Gales zich met particuliere handel had ingelaten, precies hetzelfde waaraan De Petersen zich ook schuldig had gemaakt. Het is duidelijk dat hij betere contacten en beschermheren in Amsterdam had. Terug naar Curaçao ging hij niet. In plaats daarvan werd De Petersen op 23 augustus 1740 benoemd tot directeur-generaal (gouverneur) in West-Afrika. De benoeming betekende enerzijds eerherstel, maar anderzijds ook een functie met mogelijkheden rijk te worden in de slavenhandel. (3) Om te begrijpen wat dit voor De Petersen betekend moet hebben toen hij de benoeming aanvaardde moeten we kijken naar de ontwikkelingen in het apparaat van de WIC in deze periode.

In 1674 werd de tweede WIC opgericht als doorstart van haar failliete voorganger. De belangrijkste activiteit van de nieuwe organisatie was de handel in goud, ivoor en slaven. Aan de Afrikaanse zijde van de handelsdriehoek Europa-West-Afrika-Caribisch gebied was het in 1637 op de Portugezen veroverde St. George d’Elmina het administratieve hart van de Nederlandse slavenhandel. Alleen bleek allengs dat de (slaven)handel onder monopolie door de WIC niet winstgevend genoeg was. Daarom werd vanaf 1730 dit monopolie in verschillende stadia afgeschaft: eerst voor alle gebieden in Afrika buiten de Goudkust, daarna ook voor de Goudkust zelf. Dit betekende dat particulieren zich op de handel in slaven mochten toeleggen, tegen betaling van zogenaamde recognitie, een belasting per ingekochte slaaf.

Al voordat de WIC vanaf 1730 haar monopolie op de (slaven)handel op-gaf, was er een stevige competitie tussen de twee belangrijkste Kamers Amsterdam en Zeeland van de WIC over de bezetting van de post van directeur-generaal over de Goudkust. Die werd in de periode van private handel alleen maar sterker. De Kamer die Elmina en daarmee de Goudkust in handen had kon immers bepalen wie bevoordeeld werd in de handel. (4)

[p. 107]

De periode tussen 1730 en 1740 verliep voor de WIC in West-Afrika tamelijk chaotisch. Alle betrokkenen moesten wennen aan de nieuwe omstandigheden. Tussen 1730 en 1734 was het de Amsterdamse Jan Pranger (1700-1773) die de transitie begeleidde. Zijn bewind werd echter gemarkeerd door het verlies van de belangrijke handelsrelatie met het naburige koninkrijk Dahomey en leidde tot zijn ontslagverzoek. (5) Zijn directe opvolgers ging het ook niet voor de wind. Met name directeur-generaal M.F. de Bordes, in dienst van de Kamer Zeeland, was een ramp. De man joeg niet alleen al zijn ambtenaren tegen zich in het harnas, maar ontketende bovendien bijna een oorlog met de lokale bevolking. Toen berichten over het disfunctioneren van De Bordes Nederland bereikten, grepen de Heren Tien direct in en benoemden De Petersen als opvolger. Diens lange staat van dienst en de politieke noodzaak hem aan een nieuwe betrekking te helpen, zullen daarbij een rol hebben gespeeld. Voor de Kamer Amsterdam was het een gelegenheid de macht in Afrika opnieuw – na het vertrek van Jan Pranger – naar zich toe te trekken middels de aanwezigheid van een lid van het patriciaat, een insider.

Slavenhandelaar op de Goudkust

Jacob de Petersen had ook zijn eigen motieven om de functie te aanvaarden. Voor hem was het een uitdaging om de chaotische bestuurlijke toestand op de Goudkust te corrigeren en zijn naam als succesvol WIC-bestuurder te bevestigen. Er waren ook economische perspectieven. Aanvankelijk was het onder het nieuwe vrijhandelsregime aan WIC-ambtenaren toegestaan particuliere handel te drijven en kon men als agent voor particuliere slaven-handelsfirma’s optreden. Wat in Curaçao nog in het geheim moest, kon De Petersen nu dus in alle openheid doen. Hoewel hierover geen eenduidige gegevens beschikbaar zijn – het wachten is op een goede studie op basis van het nader ontsloten Amsterdamse notarieel archief – mogen we aannemen dat het kapitaal voor deze particuliere slavenhandel van de Amsterdamse familie- en vriendenrelaties in het regentenpatriciaat afkomstig was.

De Petersen bleef van 1741 tot 1747 in Elmina. Tijdens zijn bewind werd de transitie naar vrije handel voltooid en bouwde hij het lokale WIC-apparaat opnieuw op. Hij sloot daartoe allianties met verschillende WIC-ambtenaren die hij op strategische posities neerzette, waardoor het lokale netwerk van kooplieden-ambtenaren voor de organisatie van de slaven-handel versterkt werd. Onderdeel van deze strategie waren ook allianties met lokale Afrikaanse kooplieden, zodat de aanvoer van slaven uit het binnenland naar de kust gegarandeerd werd. (6)

[p. 108] 

prent door Jacobus van der Schley; 1747; Koninklijke Bibliotheek
Gezicht op Elmina met links kasteel St. George d’Elmina en rechts fort Coenraadsburg,
vernoemd naar WIC-bewindhebber en later burgemeester van Amsterdam,
Albert Coenraads Burgh. Jacob de Petersen zetelde in dit kasteel als gouverneur in
West-Afrika (1741-1747). In het midden is de haven zichtbaar, vanwaar slaafgemaakten
per kano naar de schepen gebracht werden die in de baai voor anker lagen. 

Met ingang van 1746 verbood de WIC de particuliere handel aan haar medewerkers. Het beleid zwalkte hier nogal. Voor De Petersen was dit reden om al op 1 juli 1745 zijn ontslag in te dienen. Vermoedelijk viel de Goudkust hem ook tegen. Er bleven problemen met het personeel. En belangrijker nog: door politieke conflicten in het binnenland liep de handel sterk terug. Het duurde bijna twee jaar voordat hij daadwerkelijk vertrok. In april 1747 ging hij scheep naar Suriname op het particuliere schip Watervliet. Aan boord waren ook 400 slaven, bestemd voor de verkoop in Suriname. Het schip arriveerde in juli 1747 in Paramaribo, maar toen waren er nog slecht 150 slaven aan boord. De rest zou onderweg gestorven zijn ‘door een langdurige en bedroefte reise’. (7)

Amsterdamse regenten in de slavenhandel

De Watervliet maakte tussen 1743 en 1747 drie reizen met slaven van West-Afrika naar Curaçao en Suriname. (8) Van de eerste reis is bekend dat de investeerders uit het Amsterdamse regentenpatriciaat afkomstig waren, inclusief [p. 109] erschillende zittende bestuurders. Zo investeerden de Vroedschapsleden Jan Bernd Bicker, Gerard Bors van Waveren, Pieter Clifford, Gerrit Hooft Gz., Harman Henrik van de Poll, Pieter Rendorp en Jonas Witsen in de reis. Bicker, Clifford, Hooft en Van de Poll waren op enig moment ook bewindhebber van de WIC en Bicker en Van de Poll ook directeur van de Sociëteit van Suriname. (9)

De Petersen wordt niet genoemd als investeerder, maar aangenomen mag worden dat hij mede-initiatiefnemer was voor meerdere slavenreizen. De latere financiële positie van De Petersen bevestigt dat hij een zeer vermogend man was. Een dispuut over een zending goud uit Suriname ter waarde van ruim 111.000 gulden, die op zee gestolen zou zijn door kapers, bevestigt dit al, maar ook de levensstijl die hij er in Nederland op na hield en het aantal personen dat hij onderhield wijzen hierop. De oorsprong van deze rijkdom kan alleen maar gevonden worden in winsten uit de slavenhandel. (10)

Na zijn terugkeer in Nederland vestigde Jacob de Petersen zich in Am-sterdam, waar hij in 1750 een monumentaal huis kocht op de Keizersgracht, voor een bedrag van 55.600 gulden dat hij contant betaalde. Hij bezat verder nog een huis en tuin in de Plantage, ‘daar het Moortje boven de deur staat,’ een duidelijke verwijzing naar zijn Afrikaanse en slavenhandelsbetrekkingen. In 1766 kocht hij een tweede pand aan de Keizersgracht.

WIC-bestuurder in Amsterdam

Ondanks zijn rijkdom ging De Petersen niet rentenieren. Hij was bij terugkeer uit Afrika ook pas vierenveertig jaar oud. Hij bleef bestuurlijk actief en zette zijn WIC-carrière in Amsterdam voort. Al in 1748 werd hij op voordracht van de burgemeesters bewindhebber in de Kamer Amsterdam. In die hoedanigheid bekleedde hij vele malen de functie van president-bewindhebber, onder andere bij de installatie van Erfstadhouder Prins Willem V als opperbewindhebber en gouverneur-generaal van de WIC in 1768. Van die gebeurtenis is door de kunstenaar Fokke Simons een prent vervaardigd waarop De Petersen ook afgebeeld is. Met de benoeming van Prins Willem V als opperbewindhebber werd er ook een verte-genwoordiger van de prins benoemd. Vanaf 1766 was dit Mr. Ferdinand van Collen (1708-1789), raadsman in de Vroedschap en oud-commissaris en oud-schepen van Amsterdam. Van Collen was een neef van De Peter-sens oude compagnon op Curaçao, gouverneur Juan Pedro van Collen. Jacob de Petersen nam in 1770 het stokje over en werd daarmee tot zijn dood in 1780 de machtigste man in de WIC. Daarnaast bekleedde hij een reeks andere bestuursfuncties, waaronder die van schepen van Amsterdam en directeur van de Sociëteit van Suriname. (11)


[p. 110]


prent door Fokke Simons; 1771; Rijksmuseum
Zittingneming van Willem V tussen de directeuren van de WIC
bij zijn bezoek aan Amsterdam in 1768.

In zijn nieuwe leven in Amsterdam veronachtzaamde De Petersen zijn Afrikaanse contacten niet. Hij bleef zijn beschermelingen ondersteunen. Daarmee zorgde hij er ook voor dat de Amsterdamse belangen in West-Afrika vertegenwoordigd bleven. Na verloop van tijd werd privéslavenhandel voor WIC-ambtenaren in West-Afrika opnieuw toegestaan. Dat leidde tot een hausse aan particuliere activiteiten onder deze ambtenaren, in samenwerking met leden van het Amsterdamse regentenpatriciaat. De Petersen sloeg ook een brug tussen datzelfde patriciaat en leden van de Amsterdamse middenklasse, gegoede burgers zonder directe relatie tot het bestuur. Jan Pranger, zijn voorganger als Amsterdamse directeur-generaal op de Goudkust en zoon van een Amsterdamse wijnhandelaar, is daar een voorbeeld van. Met hem onderhield hij een jarenlange persoonlijke en zakelijke vriendschap en beheerde hij diverse belangen in de Afrikaanse slavenhandel. Twee van zijn beschermelingen, de Amsterdamse Nicolaas Mattheus van der Noot de Geeter en de Duits-Groningse Pieter Woortman volgden hem zelfs – dankzij zijn steun – op als directeur-generaal in Elmina.

[p. 111]

In Amsterdam was De Petersens huis een verzamelpunt voor Afrika- en West-Indiëgangers, inclusief kinderen uit gemengde Europees-Afrikaanse relaties. Ook waren er verschillende Afrikaanse bedienden te vinden. (12)

Jacob de Petersen was een spil in het web van de Atlantische slavenhandel in West-Afrika in een periode dat deze grote veranderingen onderging. Als zodanig was hij, met zijn eerstehands ervaring in de handel in Curaçao en op de Goudkust, zijn zakelijk en bestuurlijk inzicht en zijn solide betrekkingen met het Amsterdamse regentenpatriciaat, een bijzonder voorbeeld van de manier waarop het burgerlijk bestuur van Amsterdam in formele en informele zin direct betrokken was bij de slavenhandel in West-Afrika.

Notes

  1. M.R. Doortmont, ‘Van kamerheer tot binnenmoeder: De Rijksbaronnen De Petersen in de Nederlanden, 1650-1914,’ De Nederlandsche Leeuw: Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Genootschap voor Geslacht- en Wapenkunde 116 (1999), kol. 97-174, 278-314, 482, aldaar kol. 119-120.
  2. Ibidem, kol. 136-143, 282-284.
  3. Ibidem.
  4. H. den Heijer, De geschiedenis van de WIC (Zutphen 1994) 163.
  5. H. den Heijer, Goud, ivoor en slaven: Scheepvaart en handel van de Tweede Westindische Compagnie op Afrika, 1674-1740 (Zutphen 1997) 325-335.
  6. De rol van Afrikaanse kooplieden en politieke machthebbers in de Atlantische slavenhandel is sinds de Jaren 1970 onderwerp van internationale academische discussie. Hoewel een belangrijk debat, is er hier geen ruimte verder op die rol in te gaan. Volstaan moet worden met te constateren dat er in de organisatie van de slavenhandel in West-Afrika handelsnetwerken ontston-den waarin Afrikaanse en Europese kooplieden nauw samenwerkten, ieder met hun eigen belangen. Zie voor Nederlandse betrekkingen o.a. M.R. Doortmont, ‘An overview of Dutch relations with the Gold Coast in the light of David van Nyendael’s mission to Ashanti in 1701-1702,’ in: I. van Kessel (red.), Merchants, Missionaries & Migrants: 300 Years of Dutch-Ghanaian Relations (Amsterdam 2002), 19-32; M.R. Doortmont, ‘The Dutch Atlantic Slave Trade as Family Business: The case of the Van der Noot de Gietere – Van Ba-kergem family,’ in: J.K. Anquandah, N.J. Opoku-Agyemang en M.R. Doortmont (red.), The Transatlantic Slave Trade: Landmarks, Legacies, Expectations (Accra 2007), 92-137; H. den Heijer, De geschiedenis van de WIC, 151, 163-174, 177-179, passim; H. den Heijer, Goud, ivoor en slaven, 89-166, 220-262, 297-373.
  7. Nationaal Archief Suriname, Oud Archief Suriname, 1.05.10.01, inv.nr. 4, Journaal 1744-1748, inschrijving maandag 17 juli 1747, scan 322.
  8. Voor de drie reizen van de Watervliet en verdere details zie de website ‘Slave Voyages: Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade – Database’ en de daar genoemde literatuur en bronnen.
  9. Voor de lijst van investeerders zie Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Notarieel Archief Amsterdam, 5075, inv.nr. 2837, akte 26 november 1745, averijgrosse schip Watervliet. Persoonsgegevens ontleend aan J.E. Elias, De Vroedschap van Am-sterdam, 1578-1795 (Amsterdam 1903-1905).
  10. Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Notarieel Archief Amsterdam, 5075, inv.nr. 10243, akte 10 januari 1748, scheepsverklaring.
  11. M.R. Doortmont, ‘Van kamerheer tot binnenmoeder,’ kol. 136-143, 282-284.
  12. Vergelijk Ibidem; N. Everts, ‘Cherchez la Femme: Gender-Related Issues in Eighteenth-Century Elmina,’ Itinerario 20 (1996) 45-57.

Sunday, 21 August 2016

An African baptism in Delft, 1794

"Baptism of a negro lady from the Coast of Africa"

In the collections of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, there is an image of a baptism ceremony of a 'negro lady from the Coast of Africa.' The caption further reads that the ceremony took place in the Remonstrant Reformed church of Delft on 24 September 1794. In pen is added that the ceremony was performed by the Rev. Pieter van der Meersch, and that the the ceremony was set to Ephesians 5 verse 8: "For you were once darkness, but now you are light in the Lord. Live as children of light." On the pulpit a reference is made to Psalm 36, but it is unclear if this has bearing on the ceremony.


The image is detailed, with the African lady kneeling, the minister performing the baptism and a man and a woman assisting. A considerable congregation is looking on. However, except for the name of the minister, nobody is mentioned by name. Apparently the maker of the print and caption was more interested in the rarity value of the occasion - an African lady being baptised - than in the human aspect of it, in terms of a social occasion.

As the date and location of the baptism are mentioned in the caption, it is possible to look up the original registration of in the records of the Remonstrant Reformed Church of Delft. As it happens these have been digitised and can be found here.

"An African young daughter [...] named Maria Zara Johanna"

The registration is very elaborate and runs as follows:
"The 24th of September on Wednesday night was baptised in this church, by Rev. A. van der Meersch, an African young daughter, who was named at Holy Baptism Maria Zara Johanna. As witnesses stood the overseer Johannes Guus, and Ms. Zara Turfkloot, wife of Rev. Van der Meersch, who also led her to Holy Baptism. According to her own information she was born in Zoogwoin, on the Coast of Guinea, a day's travel from St. Elmina [sic], and probably circa 24 years old. Her father's name is Cajo Sainquo Niabi, and her mother's name is Masa Oribo. She was repatriated from Demarara in America with Mr. Hekker, who bought her there as a slave, in public auction. His Honour refused her to be inducted in the Christian faith, and when the Church Council of the Remonstrant Reformed Church found out about this, it assisted her in this, finding her to be a Religious and honest soul, too noble to live in an un-Christian state of slavery any longer. Oh, could her miserable fellow-sufferers enjoy freedom with her, and the Christians be less Barbarians, and Slaves!"
The text tells us a lot about the young lady's identity, background, and the process that led to her baptism.



The most striking element in the report is the detailed information about Maria Zara Johanna's African background. She recalls her birthplace and its approximate location, the names of her father and mother, and her approximate age. It is therefore probable that she was enslaved in her teens or as a young adult. Unfortunately, the African names are phonetically spelled in such a way that it becomes quite hard to identify them properly. Location of birthplace and some elements in the personal names seem to indicate an origin in the Akan cultural and political area of today's Ghana. Her father's first name, Kajo, could well read as the Akan first name Kwadwo (also Kojo, or Kodjo), for Monday-born. The other names could also well be Akan in origin.

Equally interesting is the story of her arrival in the Netherlands: she was enslaved in Ghana and sent to the then Dutch plantation colony of Demarara (now Guyana), where she was bought in auction by a Mr. Hekker, presumably a plantation owner. He took her to the Netherlands, where, according to the report, she remained in slavery, until the Remonstrant Reformed Church took pity on her and brought her into the Christian fold. Not mentioned is how this helped her to gain her freedom from Mr. Hekker. Possibly the church council records may hold a key here.

Further research and invitation to assist

This blog limits itself to the registration of the etching and the identification of Maria Zara Johanna. It is likely that additional research can bring forth a lot more information about her life history. A quick search online gives her death record, for instance:
Maria Sara Johanna Kajo Sanchonia, died The Hague 26 October 1834, 68 years old,  born in Demarara, no further information.
Only the index to this record is digitally available, so perhaps the original has more information. Writing from Ghana I do not have access to this currently.

The age given at baptism and her age at death put her birth year at circa 1766/1770. At death she apparently used a form of her father's first names as her surname. The baptism record gives no surname. However, the 21st-century index maker listed her surname as Niabi, also a name given to her father.

So far nothing further is known about Maria Zara Johanna's life, or that of her former owner. Contributions to that effect are most welcome and will be included in a follow-up to this blog. In the meantime a note has been sent to the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam to amend the description of the etching and identify the characters mentioned in the baptism record.

 References

 

Update 27 August 2016: Death record

George Homs was so kind to provide a copy of the death certificate of Maria Zara Johanna. It confirms the information from the index quoted above, and has some added information as well.

The death of Maria Sara Johanna Kajo Sanchonia is registered by Hendrik de Nijs, 65 years old, death announcer ('bidder'), and Hendrik Zoomerveldt, 50 years old, cobbler or shoemaker, both living in The Hague. De Nijs was a professional, while Zoomerveldt could be a friend or neighbour, but also a passer-by. The two listed the address where Maria Sara Johanna's died as Quarter W3 ('Wijk W3') in The Hague, which may also have been her residential address, and that she was without occupation.

The next stop will be the Municipal Archives in The Hague (Haags Gemeentearchief) to see if anything can be found about her there in non-digitised records.







Friday, 15 July 2016

Elmina in 1865: New photographs discovered

Pictures of Elmina

Photographs of the town of Elmina in the Dutch period, i.e before 1872, are quite rare. There are some, and there are depictions of the town in the form of drawings and lithographs, but on the whole, one does not find many clear pictures.

You can imagine my surprise and elation therefore, when my colleague and friend, and comrade in arms in the Dutch history of Elmina, Natalie Everts, pointed me towards a fantastic find this morning.

The website of Mystic Seaport: The museum of America and the sea harbours a large collection of historical photographs, mainly of ships. However, hidden in the long list of ships called "Elmina", there are three photographs of the Ghanaian town of Elmina. They were taken by a man called John F. Brooks, whom I believe to be one of the American ship's captains that frequented Elmina, dated circa 1865, and made in the photographic technique called ambrotype.

With this firm date of 1865 attached to them, these images of Elmina are among the oldest surviving photographic townscapes on record.

I have ordered high resolution scans of the images, but found this discovery too important to let it wait. So here are the low resolution small-sized reproductions as they can be found on the Mystic Seaport website, with a brief description of what we see.

When the high resolutions scans become available, I will return here with a more complete description and analysis.

 

View from St. Jago Hill

The first two pictures, identical or almost identical, show a familiar sight: the Castle of St. George d'Elmina taken from Fort Coenraadsburg on St. Jago Hill opposite. The castle flies the Dutch flag from a very tall mast, and stands out brightly whitewashed. In addition to the castle we see the roadstead with three merchant ships, the Benya Lagoon with bridge, a part of the old town of Elmina with stone houses, all destroyed by the British in 1873, and part of Liverpool Street to the left and centre, with the row of new, flat-roofed, luxurious merchant's houses dating from the 1840s.

What is special here is that the photograph shows, more than any other known picture, a fair part of the old town of Elmina.

These images link here.

Reference: Mystic Seaport Image ID m024429
Reference: Mystic Seaport Image ID m024429-01

View of High Street

The second picture is a view of what is now called the High Street in Elmina, from an elevated point, overlooking the bay on the left, with a clear view of the castle, and with Fort Coenraadsburg on St. Jago Hill dominating the right-hand side of the picture. We see the white houses in Liverpool Street in the middle, as well as some other buildings. And below the vantage point we see the street, not much more than a sandy path, some mottle and swish houses, a larger building on the opposite side of the street which seems under construction, and a walled yard of some sort in the middle, right below where the photographer stood.

Although this needs more research, my first guess would be that the photographer stood inside the house known as Mount Pleasant, built by the Elmina merchant Carel Bartels in the early 1850s.

This image links here.

Reference: Mystic Seaport Image ID m024428

Addendum

A thorough search of the Mystic Seaport database brought to light one other image from the Gold Coast, namely of the British fort at Dixcove, dated 1862. The entry has no image attached to it. Th picture is also an Ambrotype by John F. Brooks, which may mean that the date for the Elmina pictures has to be pushed back three years too, to 1862.

See the link here.



Tuesday, 17 April 2012

Ritual Murder in Elmina

It is definitely an election year in Elmina, Ghana, when we look at some current events, and if we go by historical precedent. The Omanhin jailed (see last post) and a ritual murder in town: signs of political unease if anything.

The details of the murder, as reported in the Daily Guide of today, are gruesome. The motivation for the murder as yet not clear. However, the specifics of the mutilation of the victim point to a ritualistic context.

The killing of Abdul Aziz is not the first ritual killing in an election period in Elmina. The most famous case dates from 1945, when a young girl of ten, named Ama Kakraba was found dead on the beach, with "... her upper and lower lips, both cheeks, both eyes, her private parts and anus, and several elliptical pieces of skin from different parts of her body ... removed." Five people were arrested and accused of the murder, including the Regent of Elmina, Kweku Ewusie. They were tried and found guilty of murder and sentenced to death. They were hanged at James Fort Prison in Acrra on 1 and 2 February 1946. The murder, it was contended was connected to a political court case which was critical to the position of the Regent and his followers. The girl was allegedly murdered to obtain body parts to make 'medicine' to be used in a ritual to assist in the positive outcome of the case.

For those interested in the details of the Ama Kakraba case, there is an article available by American historian Roger Gocking, accessible through JSTOR: A Chieftaincy Dispute and Ritual Murder in Elmina, Ghana, 1945-6 (or go straight to the PDF)

Below the transcript of the Daily Guide article reporting on the 2012 Abdul Aziz killing, or go to the link here: Ritual murder hits central region.


Daily Guide, General News of Tuesday 17 April 2012

Ritual murder hits Central Region

Two weeks after a hunchback was killed at Twifo-Praso where his hunch was allegedly removed for rituals, a 28-year old scrap dealer, Abdul Aziz, at Elmina Zongo in the Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abrem (KEEA) Municipality of the Central Region, has been found dead after being missing for four days.

Aziz had his penis, eyes and his tongue removed while he also had a broken jaw. The body of Aziz has since been buried after the performance of the necessary Islamic rites. Briefing Daily Guide on Monday, a concerned citizen who spoke on condition of anonymity said Aziz left the house around 4:30pm on February 21, 2012 and never returned home after he was alleged to have been called by some people at Abakam, a suburb of Cape Coast, to come and purchase some scraps.

The source said the situation compelled some people in the area to form a team to search for Aziz, adding that on February 25, 2012, somebody also going to purchase scraps found Aziz’s wheel parked at Abakam bearing the inscription, “For sale.” The person who was aware that Aziz was missing then asked for the owner of the wheel and one Kweku Ahajalo said it belonged to him and two other people.
The person therefore told Ahajalo that he did not have enough money to purchase the wheel so he was going to collect money from his brother to enable him to purchase it. After some hours, the person brought in the biological brother of Aziz who confronted them and later reported the matter to the KEEA District Police Command where Ahajalo was arrested. The two other accomplices of Ahajalo took to their heels.

The source told Daily Guide that the case was then transferred to the University of Cape Coast (UCC) Police Station since the KEEA police command said the case did not fall under its jurisdiction. Daily Guide gathered that the family of Aziz, anxious of finding him, had information that some unidentified bodies were packed at the Central Regional Hospital morgue where the family went and identified the body of Aziz. Ahajalo has since been remanded by the Cape Coast Circuit Court and he is expected to reappear on April 26, 2012.

Omanhin of Elmina jailed

Chieftaincy in Elmina was never unproblematic. Especially the position of the paramount chief of the Edina State, the Omanhin, has been hotly debated throughout history, with depositions, and long interegnums. The latest development is the incarceration of the incumbent Omanhin, Nana Kodwo Conduah, for contempt of court. The High Court at Cape Coast sentenced him to 3 months imprisonment and a fine of 3,000 cedis today.

The sentence stems from a dispute that goes back to 1998, when Nana Kodwo Conduah was first presented as the successor to the deceased Omahin of Elmina. In 2002, this dispute came to a head, with an injunction, which Nana did not adhere too. Why did it take so long for the original petitioners and the court to act on this? The sentence mentions a gift by telephone company MTN last year. And maybe the oncoming elections play a role as well. Traditionally, the Central Region and in it the constituency of Komenda - Edina - Eguafo - Abrem can play a decisive role when it comes to tipping the balance in a close vote. I have been away from Elmina too long to know all the details of the case as it stands now, however.

Below the transcript of the Daily Guide article reporting on the matter, or go to the link here: Elmina Chief Jailed


Daily Guide, General News Tuesday 17 April 2012

Elmina Chief Jailed

A Cape Coast High Court presided over by Justice James Benuyenah Benson on Monday sentenced the paramount chief of the Edina Traditional Area, Nana Kodwo Conduah, to three months in prison and a fine of GH¢3,000 for a contempt case against him. A cost of GH¢2,500 was also awarded against him in favour of the petitioners.

Briefing the press after the sentencing Justice Benson said a case of contempt was filed against Nana Conduah in 2002 restraining him from holding himself out as the paramount chief of the area and stop attending public functions in that capacity. He stated that sometime in the year 1998, a petition was filed before the Central Regional House of Chiefs by Supi George Asmah, the father of the former Chief Executive of Komenda-Edina-Eguafo-Abrem (KEEA), George Frank Asmah. He said the petition declared that the purported installation of Nana Conduah was contrary to the customary practices and constitution of the Edina State and should be made null and void.

Justice Benson added that the petition also ordered the destoolment of Nana Conduah. He said subsequent to the filing of the petition, the petitioners applied for and obtained an interim injunction by the high court, restraining Nana Conduah from attending all public functions until his status as the Omanhen had been fully and finally determined by the appropriate forum. The judge disclosed that since 2002 till date, Nana Conduah had committed contempt on five occasions. In 2002, he was even made to sign an undertaking and fined but he failed to pay the fine and also did not sign the undertaking. Mr. Benson noted that Nana Conduah also failed to prosecute and appeal and was compelled by the Court of Appeal to sign the undertaking.

The presiding judge revealed that in 2011, Nana Conduah received a donation from MTN, a telecommunications industry in the country, presenting himself as the paramount chief of the area, towards the Edina Bakatue Festival. The judge expressed worry about the way Nana Conduah was bent on disobeying court orders despite many contempt cases leveled against him.

"He has not shown remorse or a sign of repentance, therefore the court took a serious exception to that and imposed a custodial sentence on him to deter him from disobeying orders of the court."

He said Nana Conduah’s conduct was contumacious and impaired the integrity of the court and legal system of the country, adding that the court could no longer tolerate that. Daily Guide gathered that the family members of the former MCE started distributing white bands in the courtroom immediately the judge pronounced the judgment. Daily Guide also gathered that Nana Conduah started weeping bitterly at the court immediately he was sentenced, a situation which compelled his followers who trooped to the court to also cry. Nana Conduah who was dressed in his traditional cloth, was ushered into the Ghana Prisons van and sent to the Ankaful prisons yard. Information gathered by Daily Guide indicated that the lawyers of Nana Coduah have filed an appeal against the sentence and have also applied for a bail term. The lawyers of Nana Conduah included Michael Atta Dadzie and Ebow Dawson. According to Mr. Dadzie they would do everything possible to ensure the release of Nana Conduah from prison.

Note:
A week later, the sentence was reduced to a 8 days in prison (already served), a fine of 3,000 cedis, and 2,500 cedis cost. (Graphic: Nana Conduah's Jail Term Reduced To Eight Days)

Sunday, 19 June 2011

Two Elmina fishermen

Today I prepared entries I6599 and I6600 to the Gold Coast DataBase, completing another set of 100 individuals. It seemed fitting to pay the two men behind the entry numbers hommage. Not because they are historically significant individuals, but rather because they are ordinary men who represent the Longue Durée of Elmina history.

Through their occupation and their death they are representative of the history of Elmina as a whole, and do they remind us of the economic basis of the town throughout the ages - fishery - and the personal and social perils so closely connected with that industry.

Kwamena Esson and Kudjo Koem were both (canoe) fishermen, the first from the small village of Ampenyi, several kilometres west of Elmina, and the latter from Elmina town. Both drowned off the coast of Elmina, during their work, only a day apart. From the registration in the Dutch death register it is unclear if it concerned two separate incidents, or whether we are dealing with one accident - a capsized canoe? - with both men on board, but the bodies found on two consecutive days.

Saturday, 18 September 2010

Medal for Bravery and Loyalty Guinea 1869-1870

The Dutch Medal for Bravery and Loyalty Guinea 1869-1870 ("Medaille voor Moed en Trouw Guinea 1869-1870") was instituted by a Royal Disposition ("Koninklijk Kabinetsbesluit") of 31 October 1870, No. 38. It was meant as a reward for "natives who had disthinguished themselves with actions of bravery and loyalty during the expedition to the Coast of Guinea in the years 1869 and 1870". The decision to institute the medal was directly linked to the fact that the only medal the Dutch government had to honour 'native' soldiers in its colonial forces, the Medal for Bravery and Loyalty, was expressly intended for soldiers of the Netherlands East Indies Army, as a reward for actions in the Netherlands East Indies.



In 1868, the Dutch and the British reorganised their respective possessions in the Gold Coast (the Coast of Guinea). They redivided them in such a manner, that both nations controlled a continuous strip of land for the first time in over 200 years. The Dutch took over all British possessions to the west of Elmina, and the British took over all Dutch possessions to the East of Cape Coast. In the negotiations leading up to this repartition, the local African polities were hardly consulted, and protests against possible negative political and social-economic effects were brushed aside. Eventually this led to several uprisings in the new Dutch territories, especially in and around Komenda and Sekondi. The Dutch sent an expeditionary force to quash the unrest, and a small colonial war was fought out. In this war, the local Dutch garrison was also involved.

When the war was over, it was felt that several soldiers from the local garrison deserved a medal, for which there was no provision. The new medal amended this. On 10 November 1870, the medals were awarded to the following men:

Pieter van Chama, sergeant
Alexander Prins, corporal
Esson Koffie, private
Ekrom Kwakoe II, private
Jan Plange, private
Kondua Robbena, private
Pieter Robbena, private East Indies Army

With only seven people decorated, the medal has the distinction of being the rarest Dutch official decoration.

The medal itself is hexagonal, made in bronze, and 30 millimetre in width. The front is adorned with the coat of arms of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the insription "MOED EN TROUW 1869-1870". The back carries the inscription "COMMENDAH. ANDEMA-ATJIRM. KWASSIE-KROM.", referring to the three places were battles were fought. The ribbon is divided in three vertical bars of equal width, in the colours of the Dutch flag, red, white, and blue.

Sources:
W.F. Bax, Ridderorden, eereteekenen, draagteekens en penningen, betreffende de Weermacht van Nederland en Koloniën (1813-heden). Maastricht: Van der Dussen, 1973.

H.G. Meijer, C.P. Mulder & B.W. Wagenaar, Orders and Decorations of The Netherlands. Venlo: Van Grinsven, 1984. 2nd revised edition.

Picture of medal courtesy of Robert Prummel, published in Wikipedia under the GNU Free Documentation License version 1.2 (Guinea Medal 1870).

Tuesday, 7 September 2010

Who Do You Think You Are: Hugh Quarshie



Tonight BBC 1 broadcast the Hugh Quarshie episode of the Who Do You Think You Are series 7. It was my privilege to contribute to the programme in several ways, advising the team, as well as providing materials and contacts. For me the story was not new. Already in 1995, as part of a research project into the Dutch historical presence in Ghana, I visited the Kamerling House in Elmina and Abii village. I met several of the family members and was impressed by their knowledge of their family history.

On my return home,I contacted Eric Kamerling, whom I had known for many years as a fellow genealogist. He showed me the photos and papers from Ghana and told me the story of his great-grand-uncle Pieter Martinus Johannes Kamerling, who went to Africa and had a family there. It is a thrilling story and it was very nice to relive and re-tell it with Hugh and the Wall-to-Wall production team.

Obviously, as is the case with all television documentaries, the story is bigger than the small screen allows for. Additional info on some of the stars from the programme is available in the Gold Coast Data Base. Work on a more complete publication is in progress but requires additional research, both in The Netherlands and Ghana.

One issue brought up in the programme can be addressed here already.



In the episode one of the mysteries is the name of Pieter Kamerling's wife. In family tradition she is called Efua Yenkye (pronounced 'Yentshee'; mis-spelled on the family tree as 'Jensch'). In the Dutch documents she is called Ellen van der Spek, and even signs a document with that name. On screen I say that in my opinion the two ladies are one and the same. It now turns out from new evidence that Efua Yenkye (aka Janet van der Spek) was Pieter's first wife in Ghana. He fell out with her over money and other matters and Janet took Pieter to court over the dispute. It meant the end of that relationship. About a year later he was married to Ellen, in all probability Janet's sister, with whom - as the programme showed so vividly - he had a loving relationship that survived their separation.

Photo's courtesy of Eric Kamerling, Vorden (NL)

Tuesday, 13 July 2010

Bombardment of Elmina, 13 June 1873




On 13 June 2010 it was 127 years ago that the British army and navy bombarded the old town of Elmina. This was a momentous occasion, which returned a then still flourishing trading town of some 12,000 plus people to the status of a fishing village of circa 5,000. The impact of the bombardment and the ensuing fire was tremendous. It  completely destroyed the old town with all its contents, bereaving over half the population of the town of home and property. Thousands of people fled the town, some living in makeshift refugee camps in the countryside for years, some of the richer merchants permanently moving to neighbouring Cape Coast, while others moved even further away.

The bombardment changed the physical outlook of Elmina permanently. The area of the old town was transformed into a 'parade ground', resettlement being prohibited. When refugees started to return to Elmina in the late 1870s and early 1880s, they had to find living space on the other side of the lagoon. This area, the so-called Garden of Elmina, was already fairly crowded, while usuable space was limited due to the presence of several flood plains, salt marshes, and three hills. Eventually the people of Elmina found ways of accomodation, and by the 1920s the town had regained some of its former splendour, due to remittances from its sons and daughters aquiring wealth in the booming Gold Coast economy of that decade.

The bombardment of Elmina is a classic case of British 'gunboat diplomacy'. After the British took over the Dutch Possessions on the Gold Coast on 6 April 1872, the government of Elmina - at least part of it - refused to acknowledge British suzerainty. Traditionally, the Elmina were the allies of the powerful Asante state in the Gold Coast hinterland, which was in turn the archenemy of the British. During 1872 a stand-off between the British and the Asante developed, with a large Asante army camping out in the hills around Elmina. Reason for the British to demand the loyalty of the Elmina government with an ultimatum. When this was not met, the town was given a small space of time to evacuate, and was then bombed and burned. The king of Elmina, Omanhin Kobena Gyan, was exiled to Sierra Leone, where he stayed until 1894. Soon after the bombardment the British moved on the Asante with an attack on their capital Kumase.

Some years ago, sipping a beer with some historian-friends at a beach resort near Elmina, the importance of the bombardment for the history of Elmina came up as a topic of conversation. My friend Brenda, not a historian, remarked that as the impact of the event was seemingly so momentous, would it not be a necessity for all historians of Elmina to start each and every book they wrote with a reference to the bombardment.

In effect, I think she was right. The history of Elmina can be traced back to the 15th century, with archaeological evidence pointing to human settlement as far back as the 10th century. Throughout the centuries the history of the town was one of almost constant development and growth - obviously with cyclical ups and downs - until 13 July 1873, when this cosmopolitan, world-wise and outward-looking town was forcefully dimished to a fishing village. To date, the most important identity of the town is just that, a fishing village - albeit the largest traditional fishing port along the Ghanaian coast, and a town which still physically shows a much grander past.

The lithograph of the bombardment, or plan of attack as the caption reads, is one of several accompanying an article in The Illustrated London News of 26 July 1873. (Click on image to see full-size picture in Picasa.)